THE PATHOLOGY OF THE NON-WHITE SLAVE IS A FRIGHTENING THING

Mike Stainbank, is the originator of the Registered Trademark: The Apartheid Museum® In this two-page letter he makes yet another appeal to be heard by the State Capture Commission.

Stainbank provides expert legal opinion on how the abuse of state power, in all three spheres of government, could give rise to a people’s revolution.

Mike Stainbank is active on Twitter: @DefineRacism1 and @2001_019108_08

WEBSITE: www.fraud2001-019108-08.org.za

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Es’kia Mphahlele Is a Scientist: A Lifetime Dedicated To Afrika

Mike Stainbank, CEO of The Es’kia Institute, pays tribute to Professor Emeritus Es’kia Mphahlele. Stainbank concludes his essay with a tragic account of collusion and fraud between the National Lotteries Commission and the owners of the Gold Reef City Casino Licence. Mike Stainbank has been in litigation with Gold Reef City Casino for the past two decades over the exclusive rights he owns in the Registered Trademark: The Apartheid Museum®

Mike Stainbank is active on Twitter@DefineRacism1 and @2001_019108_08

WEBSITEwww.fraud2001-019108-08.org.za

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DEAR SOUTH AFRICA . . . and the world that visited this racist edifice

Our first attachment is self-explanatory.

Our second attachment reflects Mike Stainbank R50.00 cash deposit at Nedbank Woodmead on 19 October 2020 at 12H58

The recipient is clearly shown as “THE SOUTH AFRICAN APARTHEID MUSEUM AT FREEDOM PARK” (8 Words)

Under the Financial Intelligence Centre Act, NEDBANK, would be compelled to PROVE the LEGAL existence of their client.

BUT; the House Negro, non-white slave and racist, whether in Judiciary, Parliament or Executive will NEVER bring White Criminals to account.

The South African Police/HAWKS, also know they have limitations on arresting Racist White/Jewish Criminals.

All twenty years of this Crime Against Humanity, originate at NEDBANK Edward Nathan Friedland (Pty) Ltd.

The second attachment is conclusive proof of JUDICIAL VIOLENCE FRAUD RACISM, under a purportedly constitutional democracy.

Mike Stainbank is active on Twitter@DefineRacism1 and @2001_019108_08

WEBSITEwww.fraud2001-019108-08.org.za

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Walk Your Talk Chief Justice Mogoeng

I, Mike Stainbank, confirm that I asked Chief Justice Mogoeng, to acknowledge receipt of this affidavit and others that are already published on this website. I have undertaken to ensure, to the best of my ability, that all  “Officers of the Court” (judges and others) receive these affidavits. Given my allegations, they may want to bring a lawsuit against me.

Mike Stainbank is active on Twitter@DefineRacism1 and @2001_019108_08

WEBSITEwww.fraud2001-019108-08.org.za

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Werksmans Is A Criminal Firm Of Attorneys

Mike Stainbank, under the subject WERKSMANS IS A CRIMINAL FIRM OF ATTORNEYS, transmitted his first affidavit to Chairman David Hertz of Werksmans Attorneys on 16 September 2020 and followed up with an addendum on  25 September 2020.

Stainbank makes mention of his affidavit to Chief Rabbi Warren Goldstein which is also on this website.

Mike Stainbank is active on Twitter@DefineRacism1 and @2001_019108_08

WEBSITEwww.fraud2001-019108-08.org.za

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ABOUT THE JEWS IN SOUTH AFRICA
The TRUE story of The Apartheid Museum

Mike Stainbank, who registered the trademark THE APARTHEID MUSEUM® in 1990, in this affidavit, exposes more on The TRUE story of The Apartheid Museum. Mainstream media, Judiciary and many others, Stainbank swears under oath, have, by way of outlandish myths, blatant lies, and fraud misled the world. Stainbank had his affidavit commissioned on Friday 21 August 2020 and personally delivered it to the Office of Chief Rabbi Warren Goldstein on the same day.

Mike Stainbank is active on Twitter: @DefineRacism1 and @2001_019108_08

WEBSITE: www.fraud2001-019108-08.org.za

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First Political Prisoner Post 1994

1998 Prospectus: The Apartheid Museum

Mike Stainbank, who registered the trademark The Apartheid Museum® in 1990 and published his prospectus in 1998, believes he is the very first political prisoner in South Africa, since the African National Congress assumed political power in 1994. In this affidavit, Stainbank explains criminality beginning twenty one years ago. This criminality, he says, has brought upon his family, violence, imprisonment, isolation, loss, destitution, trauma, and unlawful dispossession of their property. All this, he explains, comes about, through the orders of all three superior courts, at the behest of a non-existent person. He seeks public input into his assertion that he is the FIRST POLITICAL PRISONER POST 1994. Anybody, on request, is welcome to a commissioned copy of Stainbank’s affidavit.

Mike Stainbank is active on Twitter: @DefineRacism1 and @2001_019108_08

WEBSITE: www.fraud2001-019108-08.org.za

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The Role of the University in a Constitutional Democracy

Mike Stainbank @DefineRacism1 emailed this letter to University of Cape Town Vice Chancellor, Professor Mamokgethi Phakeng. Copied in that email is the Office of The Chief Justice, President Cyril Ramaphosa and Parliament, through the Speaker of the National Assembly.

Professor Danwood Chirwa; Dean of the School of Law at UCT replied to Stainbank’s letter. His reply is included. Mike Stainbank informs us that he has yet to ascertain whether Chirwa’s response was with or without the authority of Vice Chancellor Phakeng. None of the others who were copied have responded to Stainbank’s very serious allegations.

Mike Stainbank is active on Twitter: @DefineRacism1 and @2001_019108_08

WEBSITE: www.fraud2001-019108-08.org.za

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Seventeen Violent Years Against My Family

In this short affidavit, specifically prepared for domestic and international citizens of the world, Mike Stainbank, speaks of seventeen violent years against his family

The first court hearing in the case of the Registered Trademark: The Apartheid Museum® is on FRIDAY 20 June 2003, before Justice Brian Southwood in the Pretoria Hight Court.

Mike Stainbank is active on Twitter: @DefineRacism1 and @2001_019108_08

WEBSITE: www.fraud2001-019108-08.org.za

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PARLIAMENT POLITICS PRINCIPLES AND CHRIS HANI

When the Economic Freedom Fighters, led by Commander in Chief Julius Malema, disrupted the 2020 State of the Nation Address, they inadvertently exposed deception in the narrative that legitimizes Parliament. The EFF eventually walked out after their call for the removal of White Apartheid President FW de Klerk, failed to garner support from other political parties. Nothing in the public domain, since 13 February 2020, adequately demonstrates whether the EFF were driven by politics or principle. This short essay departs from the record of SONA 2020 and journeys through questionable aspects of the official explanation about how our Constitutional Democracy comes into existence.

In considering other truths that ground the deliberations of this essay, it is important to note first, that the Speaker of the National Assembly, Ms Thandi Modise (ANC) rose to the defense of FW de Klerk. Equally important is the support she received from ANC leaders in Parliament on the day. The FW de Klerk Foundation issued a press statement reiterating de Klerk’s position within 24 hours of the State of the Nation Address.

It is only after the EFF protest stirred public memory of apartheid atrocities, that ANC leaders realised where public anger would impact most. They implored de Klerk to consider the voter fall-out they may have to face. The retraction that followed, with an apology, saw FW de Klerk finally acknowledge United Nations General Assembly Resolution 1761. The retraction statement read in part:

It includes ‘the crime of apartheid’ as a crime against humanity and defines it as “inhumane acts …committed in the context of an institutional regime of systematic oppression and domination by one racial group over any other racial group or groups and committed with the intention of maintaining that regime.

Considered  with  related  notes  in  the  history  of  South  Africa,  this  essay  examines Parliaments consensus against the efforts of the Economic Freedom Fighters.

UNCHALLENGED DOCUMENTED HISTORY

Honest historians reason “apartheid” within a continuum of European aggression that began with the colonisation of Afrika in the 17th Century through to Europe’s Conference that was held in Berlin in 1884. The United States joined European nations in an unholy alliance that ruptured everything Afrikans understand as humane. They resolved to thieve both the land and personality of Afrikans. For Afrika, the most barbaric crimes against humanity can be found in documented evidence against the Netherlands, Belgium, Germany, France, Italy, Portugal, Spain and the United Kingdom. The lineage of FW de Klerk, like Hendrik Verwoerd, can be traced back to Jan van Riebeeck who headed the first three conquering ships, Dromedaris, Rejiger and De Goede Hoop. They landed at the Cape from the Netherlands on 06 April 1652.

When the history of European cruelty is assessed by Afrikans, it becomes easy to understand why FW de Klerk, and his broader Dutch Settler Community, take exception to the UN resolution against apartheid. Understandably, they cannot comprehend why they were singled out. Afrika’s archive is replete with evidence of unspeakable, inhumane atrocities, throughout the continent. APARTHEID, in implementation, was precisely the resolution of the Berlin Conference of 1884. The United Nations, had it chosen honesty, ought to have resolved that “COLONISATION was a crime against humanity.”

PRISONER NELSON MANDELA and PRESIDENT FW de KLERK

FW de Klerk sat unmoved at SONA 2020 as truths about the violent White racist community were televised to the world. It never occurred to de Klerk, that, leaving of his own volition, may have salvaged what remnant of humanity he had left to justify his presence in Parliament. FW de Klerk and the ANC were aware of EFF plans before SONA. It is precisely this accord between the two, traced back to its origins, that exposes the fault lines in a Parliament that is explained as a legitimate progression of a negotiated settlement.

This essay draws from the fact that most historians set the date of the development of an accord between political prisoner Nelson Mandela and the apartheid regime, at or about 1985. Mandela and de Klerk though jointly awarded the Nobel Peace Prize, on both their versions, cannot lay claim to have acted honestly nor magnanimously On both versions, their accord originates in secret discussions which, initiated by the apartheid regime, immediately casts a dark shadow of exclusion, that, with the passing of time and exposés reveals decades of fraudulent misrepresentation. Typically, less than a month before SONA 2020, Ms Barbara Hogan, a Senior White ANC Operative, added more to reveal the extent to which the ANC was infiltrated by the apartheid regime. Hogan was testifying at the inquiry into the 1982 death in detention of Neil Aggett. It is Hogan’s second admission, examined with Roelf Meyer’s earlier statement, that helps us understand the questionable relationship between the ANC and the apartheid regime. Hogan explained that, in 1977, the Black Consciousness Movement and its leaders such as Steve Biko were “the most visible and active opposition to the apartheid government.” It was Hogan who described the BCM as “the pre-eminent Black political movement of that era”.

The build-up to the first “democratic” election began in 1990 when print, radio and television, was fully controlled by White media owners and the apartheid regime. The deification of Nelson Mandela and promotion of the ANC as the foremost Black liberation movement was their agenda. Roelf Meyer, chief negotiator on behalf of the regime, is a liar who needs to legitimize the process that bought about our “constitutional democracy”

“Every level-headed South African knew that essentially the settlement will come from the government and the ANC. The one had the power and the other one had the majority support. We maintained a very close link with our principles. I reported to FW de Klerk and Cyril Ramaphosa reported to Mandela, but very much on the same basis, very close line, very hands on.”

Considered against Meyer’s dishonesty, that proposition, presented to Mandela alone, to this day marketed as a magnanimous political gesture, simply does not wash. Nothing explains why the apartheid regime could not have put that self-same proposal to all political prisoners in one sitting. Every political prisoner was incarcerated on Robben Island, because of one common revolutionary objective: ‘to bring an end to apartheid’. Nobody understood that better than Mandela. The regime, on their own version, approached prisoner Mandela, with a view to ‘bringing an end to apartheid’. Mandela was aware of all manner of divide and rule apartheid schemes. Nothing explains why prisoner Mandela did not immediately reject as inappropriate, an exclusionist approach that came from the regime. FW de Klerk sat unmoved in his seat and the ANC did not support the EFF because of an accord that originates in clandestine meetings, dating back thirty-five years.

CHRIS HANI: THE POINT OF NO RETURN

Janusz Walus and Clive Derby-Lewis admitted to conspiracy that led to the assassination of Chris Hani on 10th April 1993. At the time of his assassination Hani was the revered General Secretary of the South African Communist Party and his respected legacy as Chief of Staff for Umkhonto we Sizwe, though neglected since his assassination, is nevertheless adequately documented. By most credible accounts, Chris Hani was the natural successor to Nelson Mandela, within the arrangement that is marketed as a “negotiated settlement”.

Clive Derby-Lewis, an archetypical descendant of the collective European mind that gathered at the Berlin Conference, remained firm in his beliefs until the day he died. Within the matrix of depravity and half-truths he brings to his last recorded interview, there is one aspect of his version that is proven by events over the past twenty six years, and especially, by the spectacle that played out at the State of the Nation Address. His contention that de Klerk’s National Party, surreptitiously engineered a power sharing deal with the African National Congress, cannot be faulted.

The apartheid regime freed prisoner Mandela on 07 December 1988. Charged with the responsibility to bring other ANC leaders on board, he was provided a comfortable home on the grounds of Victor Verster Prison, to receive and consult with whomsoever he pleased. Unless and until we interpret these shady events for what they really were, we will remain diverted by Janusz Walus and Clive Derby-Lewis. We will never see, as clearly as Chris Hani did, that, those clandestine meetings had brought us to the point of no return.

WHAT KILLED CHRIS HANI?

At the time Chris Hani demanded that FW de Klerk be held accountable, he was head of the SACP and MK Chief of Staff. It is in this context that the ANC position at SONA 2020, raises suspicions. In proper construction, Chris Hani preceded the EFF, ANC and every other political party represented in Parliament since 27 April 1994. The decision to continue “negotiations” with the apartheid regime, after Hani’s assassination, cannot be rationalized on the grounds we heard at his funeral and certainly not on revolutionary principles. This purportedly Democratic State does not come into being because of the revolutionary contribution of Chris Hani. It owes its existence to evidence of the machinations that Chris Hani had warned us about. A Parliament that speaks after the voice of Chris Hani has so been silenced, may one day have to account for crimes against humanity.

There exists amongst human beings, because they are human, a solidarity through which each shares responsibility for every injustice and every wrong committed in the world and especially for crimes that are committed in his presence or of which he cannot be ignorant. If I do not do whatever I can to prevent them, I am an accomplice in them. If I have not risked my life in order to prevent the murder of other men, if I have stood silent, I feel guilty in a sense that cannot in any adequate fashion be understood juridically or politically or morally. That I am still alive after such things have been done weighs on me as a guilt that cannot be expiated. Somewhere in the heart of human relations, an absolute command imposes itself: in case of criminal attack or of living conditions that threaten physical being, accept life for all together or not at all. Karl Theodore Jaspers (1883 – 1969)

Mike Stainbank. Founder: The Apartheid Museum

Criminals adorned in judicial robes – Mike Stainbank

THE INESCAPABLE CONCLUSION: These minutes form part of our JSC Complaint 489/2016, which refers to Advocate George Bizos, as the linchpin in the fraud of the owners of the Gold Reef City Casino License.

Especially because Gold Reef City Casino operates under a PUBLIC LICENCE; Mike Stainbank confirms that the content of this article can be made available to those who would prefer to have it placed under oath.

For further clarification and questions on these documents, the public is invited to engage us on Twitter @DefineRacism1 and @2001_019108_08

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Mike Stainbank submissions to The South African Human Rights Commission

On 22 January 2020, Mike Stainbank, the owner of the registered trademark The Apartheid Museum® met with The South African Human Rights Commission. The Commission indicated that they are considering a review of the case of racism that Stainbank had brought to them on three occasions since the year 2003. The three submissions following the meeting of January 2020, relate to what Stainbank alleges are violent and gross human rights abuses, manifest in loss of dignity, physical and mental torture, destitution, loss of income, loss of property, dating back to the year 2000. At the heart of the matter are two White males, Solly and Abe Krok, who, with Gold Reef City Casino, claimed to have originated the three words: The Apartheid Museum. The evidence, according to Stainbank, conclusively shows that they made these dishonest claims while in possession of his 48- page full-colour prospectus under the registered trademark: The Apartheid Museum®.

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Signed Parliament 2020

MIKE STAINBANK challenges voters to take charge of their servants, and, under oath, alleges Parliament criminal, in breach and without legitimacy.

“The 400 Members of Parliament, both White and non-white, in the year 2020, have effectively agreed to the Sobukwe Clause. And, unless ALL the voters, in order to protect the constitution, take charge of the servants they have entrusted to Parliament, both White and non-white violent criminals, regardless of this evidence which shows Parliament in breach and without legitimacy, will proceed with the impeachment of Advocate Busisiwe Mkhwebane.”

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Gold Reef City Casino and The Murder of Dan Mzizi

Bongani Biyela is the only, owner director of the Gold Reef City Casino Licence who commented on the murder of Dan Mzizi in March 2001. In nineteen years of investigation we have been unable to find a comment from any of the senior White and non-white criminals who bid for the Gold Reef City Casino Licence. The transcript of the Public Hearings on 12 November 1997 indicate that Bongani Biyela was the most junior player in the room, with his funded Youth Investment Network. His contribution is infantile. The multi-millionaire status he and others enjoy today comes from unjustified enrichment.

Dan Mzizi is murdered, supposedly by thieves who, mysteriously, steal nothing, when they could have stolen everything. The comment Biyela makes to media, is inconsistent with the evidence we have gathered over the past nineteen years: “I didn’t know Dan had enemies. I am puzzled. We have got all sorts of unanswered questions.”

The murder of Dan Mzizi will make more sense to those who are willing to study closely (not just read) the content of this two-page letter which is addressed to Dan Mzizi. Most important is the heading FREEDOM PARK and the date 31 October 2000. Gold Reef City is awarded a temporary casino licence in 1998, subject to the completion of FREEDOM PARK in three years. On their own version, the Gauteng Gambling Board could never have confirmed the final licence without FREEDOM PARK as the deliverable.

This is the document that explodes the numerous blatant lies and deliberate omissions in court judgments and mainstream media. The two corrupt and captured House Negroes who headed the Gauteng Gambling Board back then were Advocate Isaac Vincent Maleka SC (Chairman) and Advocate Ishmael Semenya SC (Vice Chairman). For further clarification and questions on this document, public is invited to engage us on Twitter @DefineRacism1 and @2001_019108_08

This introduction has been penned by Mike Stainbank; owner of the Registered Trademark The Apartheid Museum®. This statement can be made available to anybody who may prefer it placed under oath.

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Sam Sole – SANEF Fraud Racism

TWITTER WARS: Mike Stainbank vs Sam Sole

On Monday 23 December 2019, Investigative Journalist @SamSoleSA of amaBhungane tweeted the following response to Mike Stainbank @DefineRacism1:

Kwanele is one of the most decent people I know. Whatever injustice was done regarding The Apartheid Museum, I think you need to get help.”

Mike Stainbank has responded with this ten page affidavit:

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Professor Es’kia Mphahlele – 100 Years

PROFESSOR ES’KIA MPHAHLELE – 17 December 1919 – 28 October 2008

MME REBECCA MPHAHLELE – 17 August 1920 – 04 December 2004

GATHER AFRIKANS GATHER

Dear Prof and Mama Mphahlele

Born one hundred years ago; just eight months apart, your lifelong embrace was my privilege to behold; as though you were born one. And yet, for me, you were dissimilar personalities whose parenting, I too benefitted from. This short essay was not the plan for December 2019. As I write, I do so with the deep sense that you are aware of all that has reduced us to just this. Far too often, as I go about in this physical form, I sense your presence, your guidance.

Mama, when you passed in 2004, we had not yet secured funding for the building of The Es’kia Institute. Friday 10 December 2010 at 9h05 was our most exciting day. We received notification, by way of an email. The National Lotteries Board confirmed our grant of R46,678,123.00 (forty-six million, six hundred and seventy-eight thousand, one hundred and twenty-three rand). NLB Project Number: 35454, as you know, did not come easy Prof. We shared our struggles with you. You may remember, the NLB insisted that we secure land, before they grant us the funding. We worked hard and secured two donated sites, one in Polokwane and the other in Soweto.

That glorious Tuesday 29 October 2002 at the Vodaworld Auditorium comes to mind now. The launch of our first book ES’KIA coincided with the launch of The Es’kia Institute. Under the theme GATHER AFRIKANS GATHER, about five hundred, South African luminaries gathered because, they too, were, “inspired by the life and works of Es’kia Mphahlele.”

You will remember our major funders for that evening were ESKOM, through Chairman Reuel Khoza, the Limpopo Provincial Government, through Premier Ngoako Ramatlhodi and the National Arts Council, through John Kani. Prof, somewhere, deep in our now disrupted archives, are the many glowing praises in honour of your contribution to Afrika and the world. (By the way Mama, for the record, very few people know that my first visit to Lebowakgomo had nothing whatsoever to do with your beloved intellectual husband. It was you who asked for my assistance with your funding proposal for your Early Learning Childhood Centre. Zeke, as you often boasted, came later with his request for assistance to publish his old papers.)

Throughout our time together you were generous in conveying gratitude. Prof, there are very few pensioners who, at 83, will complain of retirement and even fewer will take on the task of learning to use a computer, rather than stick to a typewriter. Lebowakgomo, you often said, took you out of the intellectual engagement you yearned for. It should not be difficult to compile a record of your engagements after 29 October 2002. Pretoria renamed their library in the Sammy Marks building, The Es’kia Mphahlele Community Library and changed DF Malan Drive to Es’kia Mphahlele Drive. We published ES’KIA Continued. Where is that scrapbook of press clippings, we gave you as a present on some or other special occasion?

THE APARTHEID MUSEUM®

Prof, Mama, I must, unfortunately move past our joyous celebrations together and update you on the violence and destitution that has befallen us. Today, I especially want to apologise for the fact that The Es’kia Institute, has since been gutted. I owe an explanation that I hope you will understand. I will be short, because, after Prof threw my first draft manuscript into the dustbin and told me to start from scratch, I revisited our confrontation with Gold Reef City Casino and published a more detailed account in 2011, under the title:

We look at White people and we think Oh! MY GOD!

The TRUE story of two racist White men and The Apartheid Museum

In November 2001, REUEL KHOZA, as Chairman of Gold Reef City Casino with JOHN KANI, employed by the casino, orchestrated the blatant lie that “Solly and Abe Krok conceived The Apartheid Museum.” South African and international media played that blatant lie worldwide. Prof, your contribution to our prospectus, published in 1998 reads:

“When we can assemble here, under this multi-dimensional “dome”, when we can commune among ourselves, feel one another, seek one another out, across the barriers of the philistines and ogres of our recent past who manipulated so much of our history; when we can restore the sense of beauty and selfhood, the community our forefathers enjoyed, we can rightly inhabit this mini-city in the profoundest sense of the word. That is, we can share in the joy of an environment in which we ourselves shall be the human dimension, the social dynamic propelled by that sense of becoming itself a compulsive act of cultural wholeness. Surely herein lies the answer, applicable to all in this country. Thus, we shall breed the unifying content of our character into the enterprise, give it our own life”

Come 2013, we had been in litigation with Gold Reef City Casino for eleven years. We had investigated and uncovered almost every detail of their transnational fraud, proving also that they worked in collusion with criminal cadres deployed by the African National Congress in organs of state, including the judiciary. To bring an end to the litigation, they devised a savage scheme, to cut off my primary source of income. Gold Reef City Casino, in a secret meeting with the National Lotteries Board and the South African Police, concocted an unbelievable story about how I, as Chief Executive Officer and Trustee, had stolen R9Million of the first tranche of R13Million that was paid to The Es’kia Institute. To this day, nobody can explain why they never brought this enormous “theft” to the attention of the Board of The Es’kia Institute. More seriously, in terms of the Public Finance and Management Act, the NLB is duty-bound to have me charged; if indeed I stole R9Million. Six years later – nothing.

REUEL KHOZA and JOHN KANI not only destroyed The Es’kia Institute Prof; they rendered destitute the families that depended on us. Mama, they engineered and drove the violence against innocent women and children, who were totally unconnected to the affairs of The Apartheid Museum. Reuel and John became aware of my intention to sue Gold Reef City Casino for infringement of my registered trademark in August 2002. Given what we know today, their funding of our launch in October 2002 and their very loud praises, play out as the deceitful filth of their White Zionist Masters; Solomon and Abraham Krok.

Poet Laurette, Don Materra wrote the foreword for ES’KIA. It is perhaps appropriate that I end my report with his view on the story of The Apartheid Museum.

“An intriguing yet most enlightening and powerful read so far Michael, soaked in and seeping in the brine of justified anger and the pain of being victim to criminal and racist skulduggery of the dirtiest gutter kind. For those of us with sentient souls, the tale unfolds. I now understand why your hands shake so much.”

Prof, Mama, we all love you, and for my part, until my last breath, it will be the same call:

GATHER AFRIKANS GATHER . . .  we have much more work to do.

Respectfully. Mike.

Museum could heal our wounds

Written by Mathatha Tsedu – SOWETAN 28 September 1998

It is just another house in Rivonia, Johannesburg. Automated gates, spacious lawns, and a well-built house set to the back of the plot. But step inside and you find a reception area decorated with African artefacts, paintings of African scenes and carvings. In the rooms beyond, a buzz of activity as this house-turned-into-an-office goes about its chores.

Down the passage, a door opens to a darkened room. As the dimmer light switch is turned on, the impact of its contents hits one in the face, leaving one gasping. Nelson Mandela, Robert Mangaliso Sobukwe, Steve Biko, Chris Hani and Desmond Tutu sit side by side in sculptures that in their own way tell the story of their persona. In between or was it on one side, is the sculpture of the scene that has come to represent the uprising of 1976, a limp body in the hands of an angry bigger brother, blood oozing out of the limp body as a sister screams as she runs alongside the boy. But in this sculpture, the woman, in the school uniform, raises her fist, defying death, telling the killers as it were that the struggle continues. In another corner is a woman, her face a blank slate, baby strapped to the back, one hand on her chest, and her fist high in the air in the salute that has since time immemorial represented power and defiance. It is not possible to stand there and but wonder and be awed by what that room represents. It is a monument of struggle and reminder of times past and present. It is in this room that the genesis of what has now come to be called The Apartheid Museum was born. Mike Stainbank, owner of the registered trademark, and originator of the concept, has been nursing the idea for over twenty years and says it is a museum of “our past, and a monument to our future, because it is only after lancing the abscess of colonialism and apartheid that we can understand the effect it has had on our lives” “Only then can we look towards healing, towards unifying our nation”.

But it is not the house that Stainbank wants to turn into a Museum. He wants it to be built in a billion-rand project which would be a “Vibrant, social, cultural, sporting and commercial concourse where our history is told interactively” Stainbank argues that the “tragedy of apartheid begs the South African Nation to take a strong position on lessons for humanity.

“The central concern is that we must realise that the healing and fulfillment that comes with it, can only be achieved by ourselves. We cannot view history at arms-length. We must look at our pain, examine it and process its’ effect on our lives.”

“The Apartheid Museum can and must serve to bring psychological peace to all those who suffered and continue to do so under the weight of the legacy of apartheid and oppression, Stainbank says in a brochure issued to launch the idea.

And what is the idea? It is to build a billion rand centre that will be home to a collective of centres interlinked by history and need, by commercial and social directives. It is a fusion of social-cultural sporting and commercial hubs that will ensure that the centre is not dependent on handouts to survive but is a viable entity surviving as it were on its own wits. Thus it will contain a shopping arcade with shops, cinemas and restaurants, a five-star hotel, supplemented by other lower standard accommodation including villages built nearby to give it a truly African feel. The museum will also have a medical centre, office blocks a financial corridor for banking. There will also be a hawkers market and expansive gardens for easy lazy walking.

An international travel bazaar will be feature in which countries wishing to promote their own tourism offerings will be able to exhibit their own history. A stadium will also be built whose ethos will be to reflect the loss that many South African sporting heroes suffered through apartheid. Other features include an archive library and computer training centre, a banquet hall, a 4000-seat auditorium for live music and theatre performances, an arts and culture centre, a conference facility and a World Peace Centre.

Where will this be built? This is where Stainbank’s personality comes through. He argues that as this is concept that can only be owned the nation, provinces should bid to host it. The province and city that wins the bid would benefit from the tourism attracted to this museum and thus reduce unemployment, he argues.

As South Africa struggles with its heritage and the African renaissance philosophy that is sweeping the country, the museum concept adds a new dimension in the understanding of the history of South Africa and the need to nurture a critical generation that will defend the freedoms gained through the pains of so many.

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